The court has
been endowed with the role of interpreting the Constitution to determine the
constitutionality of congressional (or executive) action. As such, it is
important for the nation to have an adequate debate about how this
interpretation should take place.
With this in mind, Edwin Meese, Attorney
General under Ronald Reagan, expressed his opinion that the court should
interpret the Constitution based off of the founder’s intent. His views
generated a debate as opponents of his view expressed their own. Such an
individual was Supreme Court Justice William Brennan, Jr., who argued that the
Constitution needs to be interpreted and adapted to the current trends of the
day.
Ultimately, there are grains of truth in Brennan’s arguments, but Meese’s
interpretive criteria is preferable. We shall examine this by weighing Brennan
and Meese’s arguments on the topics of the feasibility of the historical
interpretative methodology, the purpose of the Constitution, and finally, the
room for flexibility within the document.
Feasibility of Intent-Based Framework
Meese begins his
analysis of the intent-based methodology by describing our ability to know the
intent of the Constitutional authors. After all, the Convention is relatively
recent (only 200 years), and as such, information is readily available not just
on the document itself, but also on the ideas that inspired its creation.
According
to Meese, we have a number of works written by the founders, which reveal their
thoughts and intentions about the Constitution and its principles. It is then
clear to Meese that we can discover the meaning of the original text, and not
have to rely upon our own understanding of the document.
Brennan on the
other hand argues that it is arrogant to think that we could know exactly what
the founders would think about contemporary issues. Indeed, the founders
couldn’t have anticipated the questions of intellectual property in the world
of the internet. Thus, it is simply infeasible to use an intent-based approach
to Constitutional analysis.
Ultimately, the
truth lies with Meese’s arguments. Since the Constitution is intended as a limit
to the power of government to protect individual rights, our understanding of
what the founders would do in certain political situations is not as important
as our understanding of their view on individual rights. Indeed, there is plenty
of opportunity for us to see where the founders sat on political autonomy.
Purpose of the Constitution
That leads well
into Meese’s next argument - the purpose of the Constitution is to provide a
limit to the power of our federal government. It is not far for Meese to then
say that if we start reading our own principles and perspectives into the
Constitution rather than the intended principles, that we quickly eliminate any
inherent limit or protection of individual rights within the document itself.
To support this point, Meese cites as an example the Dred Scott decision, where Chief Justice Taney read
African-Americans out of the Constitution entirely – a position which is not
found within the founder’s original writings, or within the current political
climate of the time. Meese argues that just like in this instance, our
individual rights become threatened if the court can interpret the Constitution
according to any other standard than the founder’s intent.
Brennan’s
arguments all really lend support to Meese’s argument on this point. Brennan
makes the case even that the Constitutional principles should change based off
of the generation, but that the fundamental principles should not be changed.
Unfortunately for Brennan, he does not clarify what he means as fundamental
principles.
Without such a standard, it seems only logical to assume that each
individual justice would determine which principles were “fundamental.” It
doesn’t take much to see that this could lead to reinterpretation of the
Constitution at the will of the justices alone. But a fluid document can never
serve as a limit to the federal government.
Adaptability/Flexibility within Document
We now reach the main
point of Brennan’s counter-argument, namely, the ability of the country to
adapt to changing circumstances. It is Brennan’s primary contention that
limiting ourselves purely within the context of the original intent of the
founders will result in anachronistic decision-making. After all, the values of
1789 are quite different than they are today.
According to Brennan, this means
that an intent-based methodology would eschew social progress because we would
be inevitably biased against the claims of constitutional rights. Related,
Brennan believes that the court should not be deferential to the other bodies
of the legislature.
Brennan believes that the Constitution includes a
discussion of substantive value choices. Thus, he believes that the court has a
duty to ensure that the rights of the people are protected from the
majoritarian process.
Meese believes
that the Constitution’s universal language when discussing human rights is
enough to limit the power of congress. Meanwhile the power given to congress
allows the flexibility to regulate new industries to protect the rights of the
individual. Indeed, the Constitution was written so broadly and universally
that it would never become outdated by social (or technological progress).
Ultimately,
then Brennan is correct in saying that the court should not simply defer to the
legislative bodies when it comes to substantive value choices and should be
able to strike down laws contrary to the Constitutional views of human rights.
Nonetheless, the court should still base its decisions on such issues off of
Meese’s intent-based methodology.
Intent-based Framework to Fulfill Original Intention
When it comes down
to it, the Constitution is about limiting the power of the federal government.
To provide a meaningful limit, we must use the founder’s original intent as an
interpretative framework. Any other framework opens the door for constant
fluidity within the document, which kills its ability to limit the power of
government. Thus, Meese’s intent-based framework is the only one that fulfills
the original goal and intent of the Constitution – to limit government.
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